There
are two origin stories to this paper. Origin story #1 takes place in my first
year at the Atlantic School of Theology in Halifax (incidentally, Ewan
MacDonald’s alma matter). I was sitting in a United Church of Canada Doctrine
class, learning about the theological movements in Canada in the first quarter
of the 20th century, and as I sat there listening, I was thinking to
myself: “I’ve read these conversations
before, but in novel form. I could be listening to a conversation between Mr.
Meredith and Norman Douglas right now.” I realized that Montgomery, as
the wife of a Presbyterian minister, must have been aware of the theological
conversations of her time and place, in order to be able to incorporate them
into her novels.
The
second origin story is more recent. In 2020 in the L. M. Montgomery Readathon
Facebook group, we were discussing The Blue Castle, and one of the discussion
questions that was posed was around where Valancey drew her hope. To
me, “hope” is a theological word, and this question got me thinking about the
time period in which this novel was written. This was a time when the
theological world’s understanding of hope had been shattered by the Great War.
I then started thinking about how some of Montgomery’s most hope-filled novels,
including The Blue Castle, were written in this time period.
And
so, with this presentation, I plan to bring together some of Montgomery’s
novels that were written in this post-war period alongside the North American
Protestant theological discourse of that time, looking at them all through the
lens of hope. I will be drawing on Montgomery’s journals as well;
however we know the layers of self-editing that went into these journals in
their final form, so they won’t be my primary source – they will appear
primarily on the screen behind me.
I’ll
begin by painting a picture of the theological movements of the first quarter
of the 20th Century, then move on to explore the novels – I’ll look at Rainbow
Valley and Rilla of Ingleside together, since they follow the same narrative
arc with the same characters, and finish with The Blue Castle. I hope to show
connections between Montgomery’s work and the theological world in which she
was living and writing.
First
of all, because I am looking at her work through a lens of hope, I should begin
by defining what I mean by hope.
Theological hope is more than simple wishful thinking.
The Westminster Dictionary of Theological
Terms defines Christian Hope as: “The
Christian anticipation of the future as the fulfillment of God’s purposes based
on God’s covenant faithfulness and the resurrection of Jesus Christ as known by
the work of the Holy Spirit in the church.”
And so hope is a future-oriented virtue – it looks at all of the
problems of the present moment, and trusts that God has a better future planned
for all of creation. Hope isn’t needed
when everything is going well – hope means acknowledging the pain and suffering
of the present moment, and trusting that this current state is only
temporary. It has sometimes been said
that hope is only possible when everything is hopeless.
In
Protestant North America in the years leading up to the Great War, the
understanding of hope was tied to the unbridled optimism and positivity of the
19th century.
Modernity and the Enlightenment meant that many
scientific advances were being made. Canadian theologian, Douglas John Hall
writes of this era: “so much of what had
come to be by the end of the nineteenth century was sheer illusion: the illusion of unimpeded progress, of the
moral neutrality of science and technology, of the essential goodness of the
human spirit, of humanity’s rightful mastery over nature, of the victory of
rationality over ignorance and superstition, of the socially beneficial
character of individual pursuit of wealth and power, and so on.” The prevailing belief in this time period was
that the world was getting better and better, and that this progress would
continue until the Kingdom of God was present here on earth; and that by the
efforts of the church, the coming of God’s Kingdom could be sped up.
In
this time period, you see theologians like Canadian Presbyterian R. G. MacBeth
writing in 1912: “Christians are not
really owners; they are stewards and trustees of what they possess, and as such
it is their bounden duty to expend it in the way that, in their enlightened and
prayerful judgement, will conduce most to the glory of God and the extension of
His Kingdom.”
You
also see hints of this in the Basis of Union of the United Church of Canada,
written by the Presbyterian, Methodist, and Congregational Churches and adopted
by all three denominations in 1908.
“Article XX. Of Christian Service and the final Triumph. We believe that it is our duty, as disciples
and servants of Christ, to further the extension of His Kingdom… We confidently
believe that by His power and grace all His enemies shall finally be overcome,
and the kingdoms of this world be made the Kingdom of our God and of His
Christ.”
And
then the Great War started in 1914. With
such a massive conflict on an international scale, the world’s understanding of
hope was shattered. If the world was
continually getting better and better until the Kingdom of God is here, then
something like the Great War shouldn’t be possible.
Between
1914 and 1930, theologians had to re-work their understanding of hope to
account for these events of history. Within the Presbyterian Church in Canada,
two main strategies for understanding hope emerged.
Contemporary
Presbyterian Theologian, Brian Fraser, writes about how the majority adopted a
chastened optimism, with a “providential progress brought about by the gradual
spread of moral and spiritual ideas through institutions.” Events like the war could then be seen “as a
continuation of that struggle for justice, purity, and peace” and the response
to war could be seen as an opportunity to further progress God’s kingdom.
Alongside
this majority view, a minority of Canadian Presbyterian theologians moved in
the direction of neo-orthodoxy, a movement most associated with German
theologian Karl Barth, but there was a Presbyterian in Toronto, Walter Bryden,
who was, to quote one of my mentors Laurence DeWolfe, doing Barthian theology
before Barth.
This neo-orthodoxy re-emphasized the divinity and
omnipotence of God, while minimizing the ability of humans to change the course
of God’s history. By this way of thinking, the war could be seen as absolute
tragedy, neither hindering nor progressing the coming of God’s kingdom.
And
into this milieu we have L. M. Montgomery, wife to a Presbyterian minister in
rural Canada, writing books set in this time period in Protestant Canada.
Even though she denied that being a minister’s wife impacted her
writing, she must have been aware of the theological conversations going on
around her. From her journals, we know
that much of their social life in this time period, outside of their
congregational obligations, revolved around friendships with other Presbyterian
ministers and their families. I would love to have a recording of the
conversations over dinner when Mr. Fraser was visiting the manse at Leaskdale,
or when they were staying with the Stirlings in the manse in Cavendish. As
someone who is frequently part of gatherings when clergy are present, as well
as clergy spouses, I can attest that our conversation isn’t just about the
price of gas or current movies!
I
also wish that there was a record of what Ewan was reading in this time period.
Montgomery writes in her journal about many of the books that she was reading;
and we know that Ewan was reading, as she used his ability to read as a measure
of his wellness, but as far as I know there is no list of his books. I can only
speculate that his reading, alongside the reading of his colleagues and
friends, included the books that were shaping the theological discourse at the
time.
Montgomery began writing Rainbow Valley in 1917 when the war was raging and it
was published in 1919, shortly following the war. Her next novel, Rilla of
Ingleside, published in 1921, was set in the same community with the same cast
of characters and takes place during the Great War.
In
addition to the war and the subsequent influenza pandemic, this was not a
peaceful period in Montgomery’s life. In 1919, her husband Ewan began to
experience symptoms of the mental illness that he would struggle with for the
rest of his life, placing strain on their home life. This was also the time
period when Montgomery was involved in a series of lawsuits with her original
publishers, L. C. Page, alongside a lawsuit following an automobile accident in
June 1921 that would haunt the MacDonalds for many years. Montgomery’s close friend, Frede Campbell,
died in 1919 in the pandemic, as did many family members and neighbours; and
Montgomery herself had lingering symptoms following her bout with the Spanish
’Flu.
And
yet into this seemingly hopeless situation, both in her home life and in the
wider world, Montgomery wrote what she hoped would be the last “Anne” books –
books that are full of hope.
In
Rainbow Valley, we see echoes of the pre-War optimistic hopefulness – the idea
that the world was going to get better and better until the kingdom of God is
here. When commenting on Jem Blythe’s fascination with soldiers, Cornelia
Elliott comments, “Well, thank goodness, he’ll never be a soldier. I never
approved of our boys going to that South African fracas. But it’s over, and not
likely anything of the kind will ever happen again.” This is especially poignant, given that
Montgomery was writing these words in a time when a war even more devastating
than the Boer war was raging around her.
An
interesting thread to follow through both Rainbow Valley and Rilla of Ingleside
are the conversations involving Mr. Meredith, a character who is a Presbyterian
Minister. These are the parts of the books that jumped into my mind when I was
sitting in class learning about the theological movements of this time.
In Rainbow Valley, set around 1906, we see Mr. Meredith conversing with Ellen
West about the German Kaiser. They agree that he is dangerous, but disagree on
the damage he could do. Mr. Meredith repeats the pre-war theology of hope,
stating that the day for great wars is past, but Ellen rebuts him, saying: “The day never goes by for men and nations to
make asses of themselves and take to the fists. The millennium isn’t that near,
Mr. Meredith.” In her statement, Ellen
seems to be anticipating the neo-orthodox theology of hope that would emerge
following the war – a belief that human nature can’t be overcome, and that
God’s promised future will only be achieved by God Themself.
Jumping
forward in time, to Rilla of Ingleside and the start of the war in 1914, we see
Mr. Meredith already needing to adapt his theology. The war that he thought
impossible has come to pass, and he needs to make meaning of it. He tells Sophia Crawford: “I don’t think the war has been sent as a
punishment for sin. I think it is the price humanity must pay for some blessing
– some advance great enough to be worth the price – which we may not live to
see but which our children’s children will inherit.” This is the sort of theology you can find in
a 1917 report written by T. B. Kilpatrick for the Presbyterian Church in
Canada, titled War and the Christian Church.
Kilpatrick writes of how the war has challenged the faith of the church,
and how, in response to this: “We
commend to all our brethren, in the membership, and in the ministry of our
Church, the renewed study and the diligent pursuit, of all means and methods,
whereby the cause of Christ may be furthered, and the world prepared for the
establishment of the Kingdom of God.”
By 1916, Mr. Meredith seems to have developed this theology even further, maybe
even leaning a little bit away from the social gospel perspective where it is
by human work that God’s future will unfold, towards neo-orthodoxy where it is
all up to God. He tells Miss
Oliver: “We are witnessing the
birth-pangs of a new era – but it will be born a feeble, wailing life like
everything else. I am not one of those who expect a new heaven and a new earth
as the immediate results of this war. That is not the way God works. But work
He does, Miss Oliver, and in the end His purpose will be fulfilled.”
At
the end of the novel, it is Jem Blythe who speaks the renewed Social Gospel
that was the majority Presbyterian understanding of hope in the post-war
era. Upon returning from the war and
more than 4 years of fighting, Jem tells Rilla:
“We’re in a new world, and we’ve got to make it a better one than the
old. That isn’t done yet, though some folks seem to think it ought to be. The
job isn’t finished – it isn’t really begun. The old world is destroyed and we
must build up the new one. It will be the task of years. I’ve seen enough of
war to realize that we’ve got to make a world where wars can’t happen.”
I
wish that I could get into more threads of hope from these books – Mary Vance’s
journey from despair to a cautious hope; Miss Oliver’s dreams; moments when the
characters sway between despair and hope. Unfortunately I only have 20 minutes!
Before leaving these books though, I want to say that Dog Monday is the most
hopeful character I have ever read in literature. After seeing his human board
a train in uniform, Dog Monday stayed at the station, looking for his human to
return on every train. For almost 5 years, Dog Monday didn’t give up. He had no evidence that his human was going
to return on which to base his hope, yet he trusted that it was going to happen
some day.
Turning from the world of Anne to the world of Valancy, I want to take a brief
look at The Blue Castle. This is a book
about a character with a bleak past and a bleak future who manages to break
away from it and discover a future that she had dreamed of but never expected
to experience.
The
theme of hope is introduced in the opening paragraphs of the book. Valancy
wakes up early, “in the lifeless, hopeless hour just preceding dawn,” and she
is described as having been relegated “to hopeless old maidenhood.” But we are
also told that “Valancy herself had never quite relinquished a certain pitiful,
shamed, little hope that romance would come her way yet.” It is a medical diagnosis that shakes Valancy
from her hopelessness to live into that tiny flame of hope that she had carried
with her through her whole life. The thought that she might never get to
experience her Blue Castle gave her the courage to step away from the hopeless
situation that she thought she was trapped in, and live her life to the
fullest.
Even though this book is less explicitly theological than Rainbow Valley and
Rilla of Ingleside, I see in Valancy’s actions a hint of the renewed social
gospel understanding of hope in the post-war period, whereby humans are
expected to do the things that are within our grasp to bring about God’s better
future. If Valancy hadn’t taken her first step away from her family, nothing
would have changed for her.
I
want to conclude today with a quote that is found in both The Blue Castle and
Rainbow Valley, as well as twice in Montogmery’s own journals in
1922-1923. “Despair is a free man; hope
is a slave.” Ellen West tells herself this, trying to convince herself
not to be enslaved to a hope that she might be able to marry Norman Douglas.
Valancy tells herself the same thing at the moment of her decision to change
her life, thinking that it is despair over her diagnosis that frees her. And the context from Montgomery’s journals is
once with respect to the Pickering lawsuit, and once with respect to Ewan’s
health.
As
far as I’ve been able to discern, this quote originates with Ali ibn Abi Talib,
cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammed. 18th Century British
Orientalist, Simon Ockley, in his commentary on this saying, writes, “So long
as a man is in expectation, his thoughts are in suspense and he is in a slavish
condition; but as soon as he gives over his pursuit, he is free and at
liberty.”
I
want to push back a little bit on this aphorism. Montgomery would have seen in
her own home life how her husband, Ewan, was paralyzed by despair about his own
perceived damnation. Despair didn’t free him, rather it enslaved him. And was
it Valancy’s despair over not having a future beyond 12 months that allowed her
to break free of her family; or was it her hope that her Blue Castle was out
there that gave her the courage to break free?
And for the Blythe, Meredith, Douglas, and Elliot families, despair about
the war would have sunk them, but instead it was their hope in a better world
that gave them the strength to keep on moving from one day into the next; and
their hope in God’s coming kingdom that allowed them to start to make sense out
of the War.
When
everything seems hopeless, sometimes hope is all that we have left.
Thank you to some of my mentors, who gave me some initial direction towards
what theologians might have been influencing the discourse around hope in the
post-war years.
And
finally my references: